名人演讲稿英文

名人演讲稿英文9篇。

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名人演讲稿英文(篇1)

Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.

This is the text of Earl Spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. There is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. Would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. The versions posted on several news services had minor errors. This is precisely as it was deliverd.

I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.

We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so.

For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.

Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.

Today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.

Only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.

We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.

There is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. There is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.

But your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. And if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.

Without your God-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of AIDS and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.

And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.

The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. The last time I saw Diana was on July the first, her birthday, in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.

She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting President Mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.

That meant a lot to her.

These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.

Fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.

There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked

endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspa-pe-rs.

I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling. My own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.

It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.

She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate. And I do this here, Diana, on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.

Beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.

We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. But we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.

William and Harry, we all care desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. How great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.

I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.

Above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.

名人短篇英语演讲稿 [篇2]

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,Good afternoon!

主席先生，各位来宾，大家午安！ Before I introduce our cultural programs, only tell you one thing first about 2015. You're going tohave a great time in Beijing.

在我介绍我们的文化项目之前，首先我要告诉你们一件有关于2015的事情，那就是你们将在北京度过一段美好的时光。 Many people are fascinated by Chins's sport legends in the history. For example, back to SongDynasty, which was the 11th century, people in our country started to play a game called Cuju,which is regarded as the origin of ancient football. The game was so popular that women were alsoparticipating. Now, you would probably understand why our women's football team does so welltoday.

很多人都对中国历史上的体育传奇感兴趣。例如，早在宋代，大约11世纪，人们开始玩一个叫蹴鞠的游戏，这被看作是足球古老的起源。这个游戏很受欢迎，妇女也来参加。现在，你就会明白，为什么我们的女子足球队这么厉害了。 There are a lot more wonderful and exciting events waiting for you in the New Beijing, a modernmetropolis with 3,000 years of cultural treasures woven into the urban tapestry. Along with theiconic imagery of the Forbidden City, the Temple of Heaven and the Great Wall, the city also offersan endless mixture of theatres, museums, discos, all kinds of restaurants and shopping malls whichwill amaze and delight you.

还有更多精彩的事物在等着你。在新北京，一个充满活力的现代化大都市，交织3000年的文化宝藏的城市面貌，伴随着象征意象的紫禁城、天坛、万里长城正在向您展开，这个城市有着多样的的影院、博物馆、舞厅、各种餐馆和购物中心，正在让您感到惊喜与兴奋。 But beyond all that, this is a city of millions of friendly people who love to meet people from aroundthe world. They believe if the 2015 Olympics is held in Beijing, it will help to enhance the harmonybetween our culture and diverse cultures of the world. And gurantee their gratitude will pour out inopen expressions of affection for you and the great Movement that you guide. 但除此之外，它是一个深受几百万喜爱，可以满足来自全世界的人的城市。北京人民相信，如果2015年奥运会将在北京举办，将会促进我们的文化会与世界多元文化相互交融。他们会公开表达对奥运的期盼之情了，你可以见证你和伟大的运动间的文化交流。 Within our cultural programs, education and communication will receive the highest priority. Weseek to create an intellectual and sporting legacy by broadening the understanding of the OlympicIdeals throughout the country.

在我们的文化发展中，教育和交流将得到优先发展，我们想要创造一个智力和体育遗产，通过在全国各地广阔传播人们对于奥运梦想的理解。 Cultural events will unfold each year, from 2015 to 2015. We will stage multi-disciplined culturalprograms,indluding concerts, exhibitions, art competitions and camps which will in

volve youngpeople from around the world. During the Olympics, these activites will also be held in the OlympicVillage and in the city for the benefit of the athletes.

文化活动也将因之而每一年开展，从2015年至2015年，我们将举办多元化的文化节目，如音乐会、展览会、美术比赛和夏令营，将涉及来自世界各地的青少年。奥运会期间, 这些活动还将为运动员们在奥运村和所在城市举办。 Our Ceremonies will give China's greatest-and the world's greatest artists a chance to celebrate thecommon aspiration of humanity and unique heritage of chinese culture and that of the OlympicMovement.

开幕式我们将给予我国和世界上顶级艺术家们一次机会，来欢庆人类的共同愿望和中国文化和奥林匹克运动的独特文化遗产。 With a concept inspired by the famed Silk Road, our Torch Relay will break new ground, travelingfrom Olympia through some of the oldest civilizations known to man-Greek, Roman, Egyptian,Byzantine, Mesopotamian, Persian, Arabian, Indian and Chinese. Carrying the message "Share thePeace, Share the Olympics," the eternal flame will reach new heights as it crosses the Himalayasover the world's highest summit - Mount Qomolangma, which is known to many of you as Mt.Everest. In China, the torch will pass through Tibet, cross Yangtze and Yellow Rivers, travel theGreat Wall and visit Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and 56 ethnic communities who make up oursociety. On its journey, the flame will be seen by and inspire more human beings than any previousrelay.

基于丝绸之路带来的灵感，我们的火炬接力将有新的突破，从奥林匹亚开始，穿越一些最古老的国家文明古国——希腊、罗马、埃及、拜占庭、美索不达米亚、波斯、阿拉伯、印度和中国。携带的信息“分享和平，分享奥运”永恒的火焰将达到新的高峰，因为它将穿越喜马拉雅山在世界的最高峰——珠穆朗玛峰。在中国，圣火还将穿过西藏，穿越长江与黄河，游历长城，并拜访香港，澳门，台湾和56个民族的人们，在这一历程之中，圣火的观看人数将超越所有之前的传递，儿它也将被激励更多的人参与到奥林匹克的大家庭中。 I am afraid I can not give you the full picture of our cultural programs within such a short period oftime. Before I end, let me share with you one story. Seven hundred years ago, amazed by hisincredible description of a far away land of great beauty, people asked Marco Polo whether hisstories about China were true. And Marco answered: What I have told you was not even half ofwhat I saw. Actually, what we have shown you here today is only a fraction of the Beijing thatawaits you.

在这么短的时间里，我恐怕不能介绍现在的中华全貌与我们的文化，在我结束前，让我跟大家分享这样一个故事，七百年前，马可波罗来到中国，马可波罗曾对中国的美丽有过惊奇的描述，人们对他描述感到十分惊讶，人们问马可波罗他的故事是不是真的，他回答道：我告诉你的连我看到的一半都没有达到。其实,我们已经介绍的只是一小部分，北京正在等待着你！

Ladies and Gentlemen，

女士们， 先生们， I believe Beijing will prove to be a land of wonders to all of you, to athletes, spectators, and world-wide television audience alike. Come and join us. Thank you, Mr president. Thank you all. Now I'dlike to give the floor back to Mr. He.

我相信北京将向你们所有人证明它是一片神奇的土地, 不论是运动员，观众，还是全世界的电视观众。来吧，和我们一起来吧！谢谢主席先生。谢谢大家。 现在再次由请何振梁先生讲话。

名人短篇英语演讲稿 [篇3]

The Gettysburg Address

Gettysburg,Pennsylvania

November 19,1863

Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.

But,in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国,宾夕法尼亚,葛底斯堡

八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则.

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去.我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会.烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所.我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的.

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化.那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的.我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记.毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业.倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的'新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存.

Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865）,美国第十六任总统（1861－1865）.

他自修法律,以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为总统,导致南方诸州脱离联邦.在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中,他作为总统,发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用,以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕,成功地引导一个处于分-裂的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战,从而换救了联邦.他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等,以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想,不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》,因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”.林肯不仅是一个伟大的总统,更是一个伟人.他出生于社会低层,具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德.在美国历届总统中,林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位.林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信,以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称.此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一.虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说,但它没有好战之气.相反,这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞,赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们,以及他们为之献身的那些理想.其中“政府应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂.

名人演讲稿英文(篇2)

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(douglas macarthur)，美国陆军五星上将。出生在阿肯色州小石城的一个军人家庭。1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。

麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。

提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》著名演讲。

我即将结束52年的军旅生涯。我在本世纪初之前参军，这是我童年希望和梦想的实现。自从我在西点军校的教练场上宣誓以来，这个世界已经过多次变化，而我的希望与梦想早已消逝，但我仍记着当时最流行的一首军歌词，极为自豪地宣示“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”。

i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away.

"就像这首歌中的老兵，一位想尽一已之责的老兵，而上帝也赐予光辉使他能看清这一项责任，而我现在结束了军旅生涯，而逐渐凋谢。

and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.

演讲全文：麦克阿瑟在国会的告别演说

mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:

i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.

they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.

i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.

while asia is ***monly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater expression of defeati**.

if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the ***munist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.

you can not appease or otherwise surrender to ***muni** in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.

beyond pointing out these general trui**s, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must ***prehend something of asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of coloniali** and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.

mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.

in this situation, it be***es vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.

world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unreali**.

of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the literal line of the americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.

the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.

indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.

any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort.* no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.

under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.

it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.

this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. for that reason, i have strongly re***mended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under ***munist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.

to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was ***pletely non-homogenous, being ***partmented into groups divided against each other. the war-****** tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the te***s of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture.

at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationali** of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.

through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus be***e militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute excellent soldiers, with ***petent staffs and ***manders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has be***e aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperiali**.

there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.

i have from the beginning believed that the chinese ***munists' support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.

the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a ***mendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government ***mitted to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked ***muni** within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan.

the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.

of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.

on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the ***ans of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.

with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was ***plete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were ***mitted against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.

such decisions have not been forth***ing.

while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china's coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the ***mon enemy.

for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces ***mitted to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.

i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the ***mand from the military standpoint forbade victory.

we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.

efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth.

i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its ***plete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, ni***een hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:

men since the beginning of time have

sought peace. various methods through the

ages have been attempted to devise an

international process to prevent or settle

disputes between nations. from the very

start workable methods were found in so

far as individual citizens were concerned,

but the mechanics of an instrumentality of

larger international scope have never

been successful. military alliances,

balances of power, leagues of nations,

all in turn failed, leaving the only path to

be by way of the crucible of war. the

utter destructiveness of war now blocks

out this alternative. we have had our last

chance. if we will not devise some

greater and more equitable system,

armageddon will be at our door. the

problem basically is theological and

involves a spiritual recrudescence and

improvement of human character that will

synchronize with our almost matchless

advances in science, art, literature, and all

material and cultural developments of

the past 2000 years. it must be of the spirit

if we are to save the flesh."

but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.

war's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

in war there is no substitute for victory.

there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with u****takable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.

like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence be***es the only other alternative.

"why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.

some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither explanation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the maximum power it can ***mit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.

like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.

the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against ***muni**. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.

they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don't scuttle the pacific!

"i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.

those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away.

"and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.

good bye.

名人演讲稿英文(篇3)

good afternoon,ladies and gentlemen:i have a friend who just started his career as a teacher in a primary school. weeks ago,he came and asked me to raise a topic for his mid-term ***position test.

i was curious why he chose me,because he is a teacher himself. my friend said that he wanted something that the students can really show their different ideas. without thinking,i asked him to let his students to write about what they would do if they were given one million u.

s.dollars. my friend left with satisfaction and fell into my old memories.

it reminded me of my time in primary school. in our chinese class,our teacher required us to write a ***position with the topic,\"my most unf***ettable day\"with our real experience.

下午好,女士们,先生们:我有一个朋友刚刚开始他的职业生涯作为一个老师在一所小学。星期前,他问我为他筹集主题中期成分测试。

我很好奇为什么他选择了我,因为他自己就是一个老师。我的朋友说,他想要的东西的学生可以展示他们不同的想法。没有思考,我问他让他的学生写他们会做什么,如果他们有一百万美元。

我的朋友离开满意,掉进了我的旧回忆。这让我想起了我的小学。在我们的中文课,我们的老师要求我们写一篇作文的话题,“我最难忘的一天”与我们的实际经验。

when *****s(**) came back,half of the students worte about the first day they came to school. the rest were all about picking up money on(the) streets and giving it to policemen,or helping a blind man cross the street. of course,i was among them.

but i remember very clearly that one student,only one student,gave something different. he wrote about the day that he first kissed a girl. i read this ***position（作文作品）.

after all these years,i can't remember every word,but i dare to say that shakespeare（莎翁） may not be able to write equally（同样的，相等的） good(well) when he was 11 years old. but the kid was scored（得到的分数） zero. the ***position was written out of real experience and genuine（真是的，真正的，诚恳的） emotion.

but our teacher thought he content（内容） was \"unhealthy. \" that was 15 years ago. you read about these ***positions and you feel that half of our population are blind,so all these kids can have a chance to help a blind man cross the street and every one of us has a hole in our pocket,so all these kids can have a chance to pick up lost money and give it to policemen.

当**回来的时候,一半的学生worte他们来到学校的第一天。其余的都是关于()的街道和捡钱交给警察,或者帮助一个盲人过马路。当然,我是其中之一。

但我记得很清楚,一个学生,只有一个学生,给不同的东西。他写了一天,他第一次吻了一个女孩。我读了这篇作文。

这些年来,我不能记住每一个字,但我敢说,莎士比亚可能无法写同样好(好吧),当他11岁。但是孩子的得分为0。作文写的真实体验和真正的情感。

但是我们的老师认为他是“不健康内容。“这是15年前的事了。你读了这些作品,你觉得我们的人口中有一半是盲目的,所以这些孩子们可以有机会帮助一个盲人过马路,我们每个人在我们的口袋有个洞,所以所有这些孩子们可以有机会拿起赔了钱,把它给警察。

few days ago,my friend sent me an e-mail of all the copies of his students' ***positions. i have to say,i was sadly disillusioned（幻想破灭）. among those *****s,40%students said that they would like to donate their money to people in poverty（贫困） so their children can have a chance to go to school.

the rest were much more alike. some wanted to support the panda protection project and some wanted to buy books to enlarge their knowledge. one student even said that he would like to spend his one million u.

s. dollars on the effort to cure aids. i was more than astonished to know that a ten-year-old child knew what aids really is.

it has always been our dream to open the hearts of children. we encourage them to describe their dream and we act in the way as if we are always ready to accept their thoughts. however,children are scared by the zero marked on their *****s.

they are trained to say what we want to hear. people ***pare children to flowers of tomorrow. but down the road we are going on,in the future,only one kind of flower can be found.

and that is the flower we like most. thank you.

几天前,我的朋友寄给我的电子邮件的副本的学生组成。我不得不说,我是大失所望。在这些文件中,40%的学生说他们想把自己的钱捐给贫困人,这样他们的孩子就能有机会去上学。

其余更相似。一些想要支持熊猫保护项目和一些想买书籍来扩大他们的知识。一个学生甚至说他想花他一百万年的美国美元的努力**艾滋病。

我很惊讶地知道,一个十岁以上的孩子知道艾滋病是什么。这一直是我们的梦想打开孩子们的心。我们鼓励他们描述他们的梦想和我们的行为方式,如果我们总是准备接受自己的想法。

然而,孩子们害怕的零标记在他们的**。他们训练有素的说出我们想要听的。明天人们把儿童比作花朵。

但今后我们,在未来,只有一种的花。这是我们最喜欢的花。谢谢你！

名人演讲稿英文(篇4)

我们都知道，马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?

br本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（riverside church）。

我走进这座宏伟的教堂是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：

“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

i ***e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.

the recent statements of your executive ***mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time ***es when silence is betrayal."

演讲全文：a time to break silence by martin luther king, jr.

i ***e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.

the recent statements of your executive ***mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time ***es when silence is betrayal." and that time has ***e for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.

moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being me**erized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of **ooth patrioti** to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.

perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr.

king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.

"aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my ***mitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

i ***e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia.

nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.

it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.

so, i was increasingly ***pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest ge***ia and east harlem.

and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest ***passion while maintaining my conviction that social change ***es most meaningfully through nonviolent action.

but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.

for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.

for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto:

"to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed ***pletely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:

o, yes,

i say it plain,

america never was america to me,

and yet i swear this oath --

america will be!

now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul be***es totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam.

it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

as if the weight of such a ***mitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot f***et that the nobel prize for peace was also a ***mission -- a ***mission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my ***mitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the ****** of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war.

could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for ***munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they f***otten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one?

can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?

and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i ***e tonight to speak for them.

this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationali** and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in ***passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a ***bined french and japanese occupation and before the ***munist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh.

even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.

with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some ***munists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs.

even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would ***e again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north.

the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop ***mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy.

they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.

they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.

they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building?

is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops.

we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only non***munist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these.

could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "***munists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south?

what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?

surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own ***puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent ***munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly ***anized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is ******ed and controlled by the military junta.

and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant.

is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of ***passion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his asses**ent of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now.

in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french ***monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.

when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.

perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynici** to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.

before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam.

i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of **ashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.

i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into be***ing their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat.

the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militari** (unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve.

it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing ***mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.

we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, ****** it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful ***mitment.

we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i re***mend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.

* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has be***e a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves ***anizing "clergy and laymen concerned" ***mittees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru.

they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s.

military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy ***e back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.

" increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that ***e from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...

we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and ***puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of raci**, extreme materiali**, and militari** are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must ***e to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.

true ***passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it ***es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just.

" the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against ***muni**. war is not the answer. ***muni** will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.

let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anti***muni**, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against ***muni** is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.

we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of ***muni** grows and develops.*

these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.

the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.

it is a sad fact that because of ***fort, ***placency, a morbid fear of ***muni**, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now be***e the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxi** has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, ***muni** is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.

our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, raci**, and militari**. with this powerful ***mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."

a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must be***e ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily di**issed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now be***e an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.

i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.

this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god.

he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will be***e the order of the day.

we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.

as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).

we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.

procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.

we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.

omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."

we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action.

we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without ***passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.

shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?

or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of ***mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

as that noble bard of yesterday, james russell lowell, eloquently stated:

once to every man and nation ***es a moment to decide,

in the strife of truth and falsehood, for the good or evil side;

some great cause, god's new messiah offering each the bloom or blight,

and the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.

though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong

though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong

yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown

standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.

and if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending co**ic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.

if we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.

if we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over america and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

名人演讲稿英文(篇5)

the gettysburg address

gettysburg,pennsylvania

november 19,1863

fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.we are met on the battelfield of that war.we have ***e to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.

it is altogether and proper that we should do this.

but,in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never f***et what they did here.

it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国宾夕法尼亚州葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们的祖先在这块大陆上建立了一个新国家。它是在自由中构思的，奉行人人生而平等的原则

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去.我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会.烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所.

我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的.

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化.那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的.我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记.

毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业.倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们必须在这里下最大的决心，不要让这些死人白白死去；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的**永世长存.

abraham lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865）,美国第十六任**（1861－1865）.他自修法律,以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为**,导致南方诸州脱离联邦.在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中,他作为**,发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用,以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕,成功地引导一个处于**的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战,从而换救了联邦.

他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等,以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想,不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》,因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”.林肯不仅是一个伟大的**,更是一个伟人.他出生于社会低层,具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德.

在美国历届**中,林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位.林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信,以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称.此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一.

虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说,但它没有好战之气.相反,这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞,赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们,以及他们为之献身的那些理想.其中“**应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂.

名人演讲稿英文(篇6)

办公室部员关于英语演讲名人模仿秀大赛总结 12月1日下午3:00，由校团委主办、外国语学院承办的淮阴工学院第九届英语文化节英文演讲名人模仿秀大赛在枚乘路校区yfj0102教室举行。各个学院的参赛选手们济济一堂，共同体味英语文化的无穷魅力。

现办公室工作总结如下

（一）活动感悟

本次英文演讲名人模仿秀大赛以“怀旧经典，流金岁月”为主题，为选手们提供了一个充分展现自我的舞台

首先进行的是主题演讲比赛。选手们自由选定模仿对象，有的模仿马丁·路德·金，激情澎湃的演讲让人热血沸腾；有的模仿奥巴马，意气风发，让人豪情满怀。他们特色鲜明的演讲给大家留下了深刻的印象。

参赛选手们水平不相上下，比赛十分激烈。他们的动作恰到好处，他们的模仿惟妙惟肖，娴熟流利的英语脱口而出，现场经久不息的掌声更为选手们增添了信心。比赛过程中还穿插了猜单词的现场互动节目，台下的观众们踊跃上台参与，现场气氛相当活跃

(二)精神体现

在准备比赛的过程中，选手们努力背诵、理解演讲稿，并仔细揣

摩语调，在此过程中不断超越自我完善自我；本次比赛中，各参赛选手态度积极并在准备过程中努力创新，展现出各种不同***风格；演讲台上，不怯场、不退缩，将自己最精彩的一面展现出来，这种善于拼搏的精神值得学习与发扬

（三）签到工作

活动前签到虽只是一件很小的工作，但我们部门积极认真的负责人员签到，坚决发对代签，以此调动了学生会各部门参加个活动的积极性

办公室作为负责签到的部门，做到内部成员无特殊原因的都积极参加，并坚决反对以权谋私代人签到

（四）啦啦队

办公室为单位组成一个啦啦队，并邀请其他部门加入，一起为生化学院加油

在位选手加油的同时，我们办公室为活跃演讲气氛，积极配合选手演讲，一句简单的“yes,we can”喊出了默契，喊出了团结，喊出了希望

（五）获得奖项

经过激烈的角逐，来自生化学院的张烜同学以《beat yourself》赢得本次大赛的冠军。亚军由来自计算机工程学

院的黄志凯和来自人文学院的卢进军摘得。经济管理学院的朱杰、电子与电气工程学院的朱福明、外国语学院的杨许可和生化学院的谷章春获得季军

（六）注意点

活动过程中部员更加注意个人举止，遵守现场秩序，不打闹嬉戏，不大声喧哗，认真听完演讲，并努力向他们学习，更加努力学习英语，当一个更加称职的学生干部

生化学院团总支办公室

陆维维2010年12月1日篇二：办公室部员关于英语演讲名人模仿秀大赛计划

办公室部员关于英语演讲名人模仿秀大赛计划由校团委主办、。我们办公室部门为了使大赛能够顺利进行，现将工作分配如下

（一）宣传工作

在办公室主任的带领下，首先由各部员对活动进行了解，包括部员对此活动开展的意义，在内部成员熟悉活动价值的前提下，逐步对各班级进行活动宣传

在宣传过程中，要不断强调活动的意义以及其对个人、对班级荣誉的体现。由于它是一个需要较强英语功底的活动，大部分人对这种非娱乐性的活动提不起兴趣，所以在宣传的时候可以适当的提一提自己的意见，提高大家的积极性

（二）组织工作

办公室部员分成两组

第一组：曹思、肖妍、陆维维、李亚伟、李翔

第二组：周颖、徐佳云、王菊、蔡晨姣、夏威毅、周晨凯在办公室主任带领下以楼层为单位逐个宣传

其中每组分工：2人讲台上具体宣传，2-3人负责将活动主要内容、****等写在黑板上，1人负责单独将细节注意点告知班长，让班长做近一步宣传

（三）选拔工作

由于这是全校性的比赛，所以只要选出1-2个人代表学院参赛，办公室特此举办小型院内选拔，地点22208.时间周六上午8：30

比赛流程

抽签——自我介绍——按抽签次序演讲——评委提问——综合评定

（四）注意事项

名人演讲稿英文(篇7)

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

but one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the negro is still not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.

one hundred years later, the negro is still languishing in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. so we have ***e here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

然而，100年过去了，黑人仍然没有自由。一百年过去了，黑人仍然受到种族隔离和种族歧视的束缚。一百年后，黑人仍然生活在物质繁荣的孤岛上。

100年后的今天，黑人仍然在美国社会的中间哭泣，仍然觉得自己在自己的家园漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

in a sense we have ***e to our nation’s capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

从某种意义上说，我们来到这个国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。当我们共和国的缔造者写下宪法和独立宣言的光荣篇章时，他们签署了一份每个美国人都可以继承的期票。这张期票向所有的白人和黑人都承诺了不可剥夺的生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。

it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has ***e back marked “insufficient funds.” but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.

we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

然而，今天很明显，美国拖欠了这张给有色人种公民的期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但我们永远不会相信只有银行会破产。

我们不认为这个国家巨大的机会宝藏会资金不足。

so we have ***e to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们宝贵的自由和正义的保护。

we have also ***e to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of graduali**. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.

now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god’s children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

我们在这里提醒美国，这是一个紧急时刻。现在不是放松或服用渐进式镇静剂的时候。

现在是实现民-主诺言的时候。现在是时候走出种族隔离的黑暗和荒凉的山谷，走上种族平等的道路。现在是使候让我们的国家走出种族不平等的流沙，走上兄弟情谊的磐石。

现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro’s legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. ni***een sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性对这个国家将是致命的。如果自由和平等的秋天不来，黑人理智和悲伤的情绪的热度就不会过去。1963年不是结束，而是开始。

名人演讲稿英文(篇8)

迈克尔·奥斯兰Movie Producer 电影制片人Indiana University 印第安纳大学May 06, xx

xx年5月6日You must believe in yourself and in your an movie broke all those box-office records, I received a phone call from that United Artists exec e I y mind. No just calling to congratulate you on the success of Batman. I al arket yourself and your ideas. Use both sides of your brain.You must have a high threshold for frustration. Take it from the guy ust knock on doors until your knuckles bleed. Doors in your face. You must pick yourself up, dust yourself off, and knock again. Its the only erican achieve their full potential is one of this administration’s top priorities. at the u.s. department of health and human services, eet the complex needs of all people spectrum disorders (asd) and their families. prove a child’s development.

perhaps the biggest step and their families happened over a year ago, screening and developmental assessments for children at no cost to parents. insurers e or annual limits on benefits.

also, thanks to the neily health insurance until they turn 26. for a young adult spectrum disorder and their family, that means peace of mind. it means more flexibility, more options, and more opportunity to reach their full potential.

ultimately, there is more support for americans than ever before. this means more promise of ne even better. but in order to continue meeting the needs of people , the combating autism act must be fully reauthorized. portant partners, the affordable care act and the combating autism act portant research and develop and refine vital treatments.

there are still many unknoilies. together, an services.

名人演讲稿英文(篇9)

英语名人2分钟演讲稿篇一

as everyone knows, english is very important today. it has been used everywhere in the world. it has become the most common language on internet and for international trade. if we can speak english well, we will have more chance to succeed. because more and more people have taken notice of it, the number of the people who go to learn english has increased at a gh speed.but for myself, i learn english not only because of its importance and its usefulness, but also because of my love for it. when i learn english, i can feel a different way of tnking wch gives me more room to touch the world. when i read english novels, i can feel the pleasure from the book wch is different from reading the translation. when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words. when i write english, i can see the beauty wch is not the same as our cnese…i love english, it gives me a colorful dream. i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different countries. i can see many places of great intrests. i dream that i can go to london, because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people, i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very well.if you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!

英语名人2分钟演讲稿篇二

how do you master your youth?youthyouth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshne; it is the freshneof the deep springs of life .youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite, for adventure over the love of ease. ts often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . nobody grows old merely by a number of years. we grow old by deserting our ideals.years wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. worry, fear, self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.whether 60 of 16, there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing cldlike appetite of what’s next and the joy of the game of living . in the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wirelestation: so long as it receives messages of beauty, hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .when the aerials are down, and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.thank you!

英语名人2分钟演讲稿篇三

helping every american with autism achieve their full potential is one of this administration’s top priorities. at the u.s. department of health and human services, we continue to strive to meet the complex needs of all people with autism spectrum disorders (asd) and their families. while there is no cure, early intervention is critical and can greatly improve a child’s development.

perhaps the biggest step we’ve taken to support those affected by autism and their families happened over a year ago, with the signing of the affordable care act. now, new insurance plans are required to cover autism screening and developmental assessments for children at no cost to parents. insurers will also no longer be allowed to deny children coverage for a pre-existing condition such as asd or to set arbitrary lifetime or annual limits on benefits.

also, thanks to the new law, young adults are allowed to stay on their family health insurance until they turn 26. for a young adult with autism spectrum disorder and their family, that means peace of mind. it means more flexibility, more options, and more opportunity to reach their full potential.

ultimately, there is more support for americans with autism than ever before. this means more promise of new breakthroughs that will help us understand autism even better. but in order to continue meeting the needs of people with autism, the combating autism act must be fully reauthorized. we still have a long way to go. working collaboratively with important partners, the affordable care act and the combating autism act will allow us to continue important research and develop and refine vital treatments.

there are still many unknowns. however, one thing is certain. we will continue to work harder than ever to find solutions and provide support to individuals with asd and their families. together, we can help reduce disparities and allow everyone to actualize their greatest potential.

kathleen sebelius is secretary of health and human services.